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McGreevey's Challenge ...continued
--BY MARK J. MAGYAR
BUDGET
GURUS: David Rousseau, the Senate Democrats' budget committee
aide, left, and Richard Keevey, former director of the New
Jersey Office of Management and Budget, are two of the key
budget insiders serving on Coscia's budget transition team.
Rousseau will play a major behind-the-scenes role guiding
the budget through the Senate later this spring.
Unlike previous economic downturns, those hardest hit in
New Jersey's recession of 2001-2002 were the state's wealthiest
taxpayers. The year-long slump on Wall Street and in corporate
profits wiped out most of the capital gains, stock options,
commissions and year-end bonuses that fueled New Jersey's
rise to the status of the wealthiest state in the nation in
the 2000 U.S. Census. This category alone likely accounts
for at least $1 billion of the projected $2.8 billion current
year shortfall.
The fact that a significant portion of this year's budget
gap was caused by a "recession of the rich" may
very well be good news for next year's budget. Few analysts
expect that steep decline to continue throughout 2002, and
in fact, the financial markets have been rising steadily since
bottoming out just after the September 11 attacks.
Normally, state tax revenues rise anywhere from 3 percent
to 6 percent a year; the overly optimistic election-year forecast
by GOP budget-makers last June was for another 6 percent increase
even though New Jersey's economy already had been flattening
out for months in what would prove to be the beginning of
the recession of 2001-2002.
When budget-makers experience a current-year revenue shortfall,
they project a "double hit." If current-year revenue
estimates fall short by $2.8 billion, for example, as the
McGreevey administration is projecting, that would produce
a corresponding $2.8 billion reduction in the revenues that
would have been expected in FY 2003 because the state can
only expect normal growth on what is now a substantially lower
tax base.
But if the economy pulls out of the recession and New Jersey
continues to benefit from the economic spinoff from Lower
Manhattan, as Hughes and others economists expect, and if
Wall Street returns to normal, generating even average capital
gains taxes, bonuses, commissions and stock options, New Jersey's
state budget could very well make up much of the lost revenue
in a single year.
That's one of the reasons Moody's Investors Service recently
projected that the budget shortfall for FY2003 would be $2
billion ­ less, not more, than the current year deficit
even with formula-driven school aid, Medicaid and other costs
expected to continue to rise.
While McGreevey's campaign promise not to raise the income
or sales tax severely limits his options, the fact remains
that it is the right decision on policy, as well as political,
grounds.
What New Jersey state government is facing, in essence, is
a short-term recession and a short-term budget crisis. Under
this scenario, short-term solutions are not only acceptable,
but preferable to tax increases (which McGreevey has ruled
out anyway), sharply reduced state services or deep cuts in
state aid, which would drive up property taxes.
What McGreevey needs to do is to buy enough budget time to
give his administration time to implement the broad-based
program of "reinventing government" reform initiatives
he has promised ­ reforms that will pay off in real
dollar savings in the latter part of FY2003, FY2004 and beyond.
Taking the easy way out on the current budget crisis preserves
the political capital he will need to make the hard decisions
needed to implement the meaningful property tax reform he
has promised later in his administration.
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